A D V E N T U R E S in C Y B E R S O U N DThe Gramophone by Friedrich KittlerFile Note: At date of 'capture' (11/97) the endnotes and images for this essay were not available. Please consult the original website first and only regard this as a backup.
Hullo!, Edison screamed into the telephone mouthpiece. The vibrating diaphragm set in motion an attached point that wrote onto a moving strip of paraffin paper. In July 1877, eighty-one years before Turing's moving paper strip, the recording was still analog. Upon replaying the strip and its vibrations which, in turn, set in motion the diaphragm, a barely audible "Hullo!" could be heard. [1] Edison understood. A month later he coined a new term for his telephone addition: phonograph. [2] On the basis of this experiment, the mechanic Kruesi was given the assignment to build an apparatus that would etch acoustic vibrations onto a rotating cylinder covered with tin foil. While he or Kruesi was turning the handle, Edison once again screamed into the mouthpiece , this time the nursery rhyme Mary Had A Little Lamb. Then they moved the needle back, let the cylinder run a second time, and the first phonograph replayed the screams. The exhausted genius, in whose phrase genius is one percent inspiration and ninety-nine percent perspiration, slumped back. Mechanical sound recording had been invented. "Speech has become, as it were, immortal." [3] It was December 6, 1877. Eight months earlier, Charles Cros, a Parisian writer, bohemian, inventor, and absinthe drinker had deposited a sealed envelope with the Academy of Sciences. It contained an essay on the...
Procedure for the recording and reproduction of phenomena of acoustic perceptionWith great technological elegance this text formulated all the principles of the phonograph, but due to a lack of funds Cros had not yet been able to bring about its "practical realisation." "To reproduce" the traces of "the sounds and noises", which the "to and fro" of an acoustically "vibrating diaphragm" is leaving on a rotating disk, that was also the program of Charles Cros. [4] But once he had been preceded by Edison, who was aware of rumours of the invention, things sounded differently. Inscription is the title of the poem with which Cros erected a belated monument to honor his inventions, which included an automatic telephone, color photography and, above all, the phonograph:
Comme les traits dans les caméesThe program of the poet Cros, in his capacity as inventor of the phonograph, was to store beloved voices and all-too brief musical reveries. The wondrously resistant power of writing: it ensures that the poem has no words for the truth about competing technologies. Certainly, phonographs can store articulate voices and musical intervals, but they are capable of more and different things. Cros, the poet, forgets the noises mentioned in his precise prose text. An invention which subverts both literature and music [because it reproduces the unimaginable real they are both based on], must have struck even its inventor as something unheard of. Hence, it was not coincidental that Edison, not Cros, actually built the phonograph. His "Hullo!" was no beloved voice and Mary Had a Little Lamb no musical revery. And he did not only scream into the bell-mouth because phonographs have no amplifiers, but also because Edison [following an youthful adventure involving some conductor's fists] was half deaf. A physical impairment was at the beginning of mechanical sound recording, just as the first typewriters had been made by the blind for the blind and Charles Cros had taught at a school for the deaf and mute. [6] [INSERT illustration p. 39 with caption: The first talking machine built by Kruesi] While [according to Derrida] it is characteristic of so-called man and his consciousness to hear himself speak [7] and see himself write, media dissolve such feedback loops. They await inventors like Edison whom chance has equipped with a similar dissolution. Handicaps isolate and thematize sensory data streams. The phonograph does not hear the way ears do that have been trained to immediately filter voices, words and sounds out of noise; it registers acoustic events as such. Articulateness becomes a second-order exception in a spectrum of noise. In the first phonograph letter of postal history, Edison wrote that "the articulation" of his baby "was loud enough, just a bit indistinct", "not bad for a first experiment." [8] Wagner's Gesamtkunstwerk, that monomaniacal anticipation of modern media technologies, [9] had already transgressed the traditional boundaries of words and music to do justice to the unarticulated. In Tristan, Brangaine was allowed to utter a scream whose notation cut straight through the score. [10] Not to mention Parsifal's Kundry, who suffered from a hysterical speech impairment such as those which were soon to occupy the psychoanalyst Freud: she "gives a loud wail of misery, that sinks gradually into low accents of fear," "utters a dreadful cry" and is reduced to "hoarse and broken," though nonetheless fully composed, garbling. [11] This labored inception of language has nothing to do with operas and dramas that take it for granted that their figures can speak. Composers of 1880, however, are allied with engineers. The undermining of articulation becomes the order of the day. In Wagner's case this applies to both text and music. The Rhinegold prelude, with its infinite swelling of a single chord, dissolves the E flat major triad in the first horn melody as if it were not a matter of musical harmony but of demonstrating the physical overtone series. All the harmonics of E flat appear one after the other, as if in a Fourier analysis; only the seventh is missing, because it cannot be played by European instruments. [12] Of course, each of the horn sounds is an unavoidable overtone mixture of the kind only the sinus tones of contemporary synthesizers can avoid. Nevertheless, Wagner's musico-physiological dream [13] at the outset of the tetralogy sounds like a historical transition from intervals to frequencies, from a logic to a physics of sound. By the time Schönberg, in 1910, produced the last analysis of harmony in the history of music, chords had turned into pure acoustics: "For Schönberg as well as for science, the physical basis in which he is trying to ground all phenomena is the overtone series." [14] [INSERT picture of gramophone p. 41] Overtones are frequencies, that is, vibrations per second; and the grooves of Edison's phonograph recorded nothing but vibrations. Intervals and chords, on the other hand, were ratios, that is, fractions made up of integers. The length of a string [especially on a monochord] was subdivided, and the fractions, to which Pythagoras gave the proud name logoi, resulted in octaves, quints, fourths, and so on. Such was the logic upon which everything was founded that, in Old Europe, went by the name of music: first, there was a notation system which enabled the transcription of clear sounds separated from the world's noise, and second, a harmony of the spheres which established that the ratios between planetary orbits [later human souls] equalled those between sounds. The nineteenth century's concept of frequency breaks with all this. [14b] The measure of length is replaced by time as an independent variable. It is a physical time removed from the metres and rhythms of music. It quantifies movements that are too fast for the human eye, ranging from 20 to 16,000 vibrations per second. The real takes the place of the symbolic. Certainly, references can also be established to link musical intervals and acoustic frequencies, but they only testify to the alienation between two discourses. In frequency curves the simple proportions of Pythagorean music turn into irrational, that is, logarithmic functions. Conversely, overtone series, which in frequency curves are simply integral multiples of vibrations and the determining elements of each sound, soon explode the diatonic music system. That is the extent of the gulf separating Old European alphabetism from mathematical-physical notation. Which is why the first frequency notations were developed outside of music. First noise itself had to become an object of scientific research, and discourses "a privileged category of noises." [15] A competition sponsored by the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences in 1780 made voiced sounds, and vowels in particular, an object of research, [16] and inaugurated not only speech physiology, but also all the experiments involving mechanical language reproduction. Inventors like Kempelen, Maelzel, or Mical built the first automata which by way of stimulation and filtering of certain frequency bands could simulate the very sounds which, at the same time, Romanticism was celebrating as the language of the soul: their dolls said "Mama" and "Papa" or "Oh", like Hoffmann's beloved automaton Olympia. Even Edison's 1878 article on phonography intended such toy mouths voicing the parents' names as Christmas presents. [17] Removed from all romanticism a practical knowledge of vowel frequencies emerged. [INSERT illustration of artificial mouths on p. 43] Continuing these experiments, Willis made a decisive discovery in 1829. He connected elastic tongues to a cogwheel whose cogs set them vibrating. According to the speed of its rotation, high or low sounds were produced which sounded like the different vowels, thus proving their frequency. For the first time pitch no longer depended on the length of a string; it became a variable dependent on speed and, therefore, time. Willis had invented the prototype of all square curve generators ranging from the bold verse-rhythm experiments of the turn of the century [18] to Kontakte, Stockhausen's first electronic composition. Synthetic production of frequencies is followed by their analysis. Fourier had already provided the mathematical theory, but that theory had yet to be implemented technologically. In 1830, Wilhelm Weber in Göttingen had a tuning fork record its own vibrations. He attached a pig's bristle to one of the tongues which etched its frequency curves into sooty glass. Such were the humble or animal origins of our gramophone needles. From Weber's writing tuning fork Edouard Léon Scott, a Parisian printer and therefore not coincidentally an inhabitant of the Gutenberg Galaxy, developed his phon-autograph, patented in 1857. A bell-mouth amplified incoming sounds and transmitted them onto a membrane which, in turn, used a coarse bristle to transcribe them onto a soot-covered cylinder. In this way autographs or handwritings of a data stream came into being which prior to that had not ceased not to write itself. [Instead, there was handwriting.] Scott's phon-autograph, however, made visible what, up to this point, had only been audible and much too fast for ill-equipped human eyes: hundreds of vibrations per second. A triumph of the concept of frequency: all the whispered or screamed noises people emitted from their larynxes with or without dialects, appeared on paper. Phonetics and speech physiology became a reality. [19] They were especially real in the case of Henry Sweet, whose perfect English made him the prototype of all experimental phonetics as well as the hero of a play. Recorded by Professor F.C. Donders of Utrecht, [ 20] Sweet was also dramatized by George Bernhard Shaw, who turned him into a modern Pygmalion out to conquer all mouths that, however beautiful, were marred by dialect. To record and discipline the dreadful dialect of the flower girl, Eliza Doolittle, "Higgins' laboratory" boasts "a phonograph, a laryngoscope, [and] a row of tiny organ pipes with a bellows." [21] In the world of the modern Pygmalion mirrors and statues are unnecessary; sound storage makes it possible "to inspect one's own speech or discourse as in a mirror, thus enabling us to adopt a critical stance toward our products." [22] To the great delight of Shaw, who saw his medium or his readability technologically guaranteed to all English speakers, [23] machines easily solve a problem which literature had not been able to tackle on its own, or only through the mediation of pedagogy [24] : they drill people in general and flower girls in particular to adopt a pronunciation purified by written language. It comes as no surprise that Eliza Doolittle, notwithstanding all of her love, abandons her Pygmalion Sweet aka Higgins at the end of the play in order to learn "book-keeping and typewriting" at "shorthand schools and polytechnic classes". [25] Women who have been subjected to phonographs and typewriters are souls no longer. They can only end in musicals. Renaming it My Fair Lady, Rogers and Hammerstein will throw Shaw's Pygmalion drama among Broadway tourists and record labels. "On The Street Where You Live" is sound. In any case, Edison, ancestor of the record industry, only needed to combine, as is so often the case with inventions. A Willis-type machine gave him the idea for the phonograph, a Scott-type machine pushed him toward its realization. Synthetic production of frequencies combined with their analyis resulted in the new medium. Edison's phonograph was a by-product of the attempt to optimize telephony and telegraphy by saving expensive copper cables. First, Menlo Park developed a telegraph that indented a paraffin paper strip with Morse signs, thus allowing them to be replayed faster than they had been transmitted by human hands. The effect was exactly the same as in Willis's case: pitch became a variable dependent on speed. Second, Menlo Park developed a telephone receiver with a needle attached to the diaphragm. By touching it, the needle enabled the hearing-impaired Edison to check the amplitude of the telephone signal. Legend has it that one day the needle drew blood, and Edison "recognized how the force of a membrane moved by a magnetic system could be put to work." "In effect, he had found a way to transfer the functions of his ear to his sense of touch." [26] A telegraph as an artificial mouth, a telephone as an artificial ear, the stage was set for the phonograph. Functions of the central nervous system had been technologically implemented. When, after a 72-hour shift early in the morning of 16 July 1888, Edison had finally completed a talking machine ready for serial production, he posed for the hastily summoned photographer in the pose of his great idol. The French Emperor, after all, is said to have observed that the [INSERT illustration of Edison p. 47] progress of national welfare [or military technology] can be measured by transportation costs. [27] And no means of transportation are more economical than those which convey information rather than goods and people. Artificial mouths and ears as technological implementations of the central nervous system cut down on mailmen and concert halls. What Ong calls our secondary orality has the elegance of brain functions. Technological sound storage provides a first model for data streams which, at the same time, are becoming an object of neurophysiological research. Helmholtz completing vowel theory is allied with Edison completing measuring instruments. Which is why sound storage, initially a mechanically primitive affair on the level of Weber's pork bristle, could not be invented until the soul fell prey to science. "O my head, my head, my head," groans the phonograph in the prose poem Alfred Jarry dedicated to it. "All white underneath the silk sky:, They have taken my head, my head, and put me into a tea tin!" [28] Which is why Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, the symbolist poet and author of the first of many Edison novels, is mistaken when he has the great inventor ponder his delay in Tomorrow's Eve. What is most surprising in history, almost unimaginable, is that among all the great inventors across the centuries, not one thought of the Phonograph! And yet most of them invented machines a thousand times more complicated. The Phonograph is so simple that its construction owes nothing to materials of scientific composition. Abraham might have built it, and made a recording of his calling from on high. A steel stylus, a leaf of silver foil or something like it, a cylinder of copper, and one could fill a storehouse with all the voices of Heaven and Earth. [29] This certainly applies to materials and their processing, but misses the historical apriori of sound recording. There are also immaterials of scientific origin, which are not so cheap to come by and have to be supplied by a science of the soul. They cannot be delivered by any of the post-Abraham candidates whom Villiers de l'Isle-Adam suspects of being able to invent the phonograph: neither Aristotle, Euclid nor Archimedes could have underwritten the statement that "the soul is a notebook of phonographic recordings" [but rather, if at all, a tabula rasa for written signs, which in turn signify acts of the soul]. Only when the soul has become the nervous system, and the nervous system [according to the Sigmund Exner, the great Viennese neurophysiologist] so many facilitations [Bahnungen], can Delboeuf's statement no longer be scandalous. In 1880, the philosopher Guyau devoted a commentary to it. And this first theory of the phonograph attests like no other to the interactions between science and technology. Precisely those theories, which were the historic apriori of the phonograph, can now, thanks to its invention, optimize their analogous models of the brain.
MEMORY AND PHONOGRAPHIt doesn't get any clearer than that. The psychophysical sciences, to which the philosopher Guyau has absconded, are embracing the phonograph as the only suitable model for visualizing the brain or memory. All questions concerning thought as thought have been abandoned because it is now a matter of implementation and hardware. For this reason memory, around 1800 a wholly "subordinate inner power," [30] becomes the most powerful. And since that serves to oust Hegel's spirit, the recently invented phonograph, though as yet not ready for serial production, is superior to all other media. Unlike Gutenberg's printing press or Ehrlich's automatic pianos in the brain metaphors of Taine and Spencer, it is able to combine the two actions indispensable to any universal machine, discrete or not: writing and reading, storing and scanning, recording and replaying. Even if Edison for practical reasons later separated recording from replaying units, it is in principle one and the same point which engraves and later traces the phonographic groove. Which is why all concepts of trace, up to and including Derrida's grammatological ur-writing, are based on Edison's simple idea. The trace preceding all writing, the trace of pure difference still open to reading and writing, is simply a gramophone needle. Paving a way and retracing a path coincide. Guyau understood that the phonograph implements memory and thereby makes it unconscious. [INSERT Trademark "Wrinting Angel" on p. 55] It is only because a philosopher, even if he has abandoned philosophy for psychophysics, cannot rid himself of his professional delusions that Guyau, at the end of his essay, attempts to crown or surpass the unconscious mnemonic capabilities of the phonograph by contrasting them with our conscious human abilities. But consciousness, that quality which Guyau ascribes to the brain in order to celebrate it as an infinitely perfected phonograph, would result in an infinitely inferior one. Rather than hearing the random acoustic events forcing their way into the bell-mouth in all their real-time entropy, Guyau's conscious phonograph would attempt to understand [31] and thus corrupt them. Once again, alleged identities or meaning or even functions of consciousness would come into play. Phonographs do not think, therefore they are possible. Guyau's own, possibly unconscious example had alluded to the imputation of consciousness and inner life: if a phonograph really possessed the consciousness attributed to it and were able to point out that it remembers a song, it would consider this a miraculous ability. But impartial and external observers would continue to see it as the result of a fairly simple mechanism. By turning his experimental gaze, which had observed the brain simply as a technical apparatus, into introspection, Guyau falls short of his own standards. It was, after all, an external gaze which had suggested the beautiful comparison between attention and playback speed. If the focusing of blurred mental images by way of attention amounts to nothing more or less than changing the time axis of acoustic events by increasing playback speed or indulging in time axis manipulation [TAM], then there is no reason to celebrate attention or memory as miraculous abilities. Neither gramophone needles nor brain neurons need any self-consciousness to retrace a groove faster than it was engraved. In both cases it boils down to programming. For that reason alone the diligent hand of the phonograph user, who in Edison's time had difficulties sticking to the correct time while turning the handle, could be replaced by clockworks and electronic motors with adjustable speed. The sales catalogues of American record companies warned their customers of the friend who "comes to you and claims that your machine is too slow or too fast. Don't listen to him! He doesn't know what he is talking about." [32] But standardization is always upper management's escape from technological possibilities. In case of serious matters such as test procedures or mass entertainment, TAM remains triumphant. The Edison Speaking Phonograph Company, founded two months after Edison's primitive prototype of December 1877, made its first business with time axis manipulation: with his own hand the inventor turned the handle faster than he had during the recording in order to treat New York to the sensational pleasure of frequency-modulated musical pieces. Even the modest cornet of a certain Levy acquired brilliance and temperament. [33] Had he been among the delighted New Yorkers, Guyau would have found empirical proof that frequency modulation is indeed the technological correlative of attention. Of course Europe's written music had already been able to move tones upwards or downwards, as the term scale itself implies. But transposition doesn't equal TAM. If the phonographic playback speed differs from its recording speed, there is a shift not only of clear sounds but of whole noise spectra. What is manipulated is the real instead of the symbolic. Acoustic long-term events such as metre and word length are affected as well. This is precisely what Hornbostel, albeit without recognizing what distinguished it from transposition, praised as the "special advantage" of the phonograph: "It can be played at faster and slower speeds, allowing us to listen to musical pieces, whose original speed was too fast, at a more settled pace, and accordingly transposed, in order to analyse them." [34] The phonograph is thus incapable of achieving real-time frequency shifts. For this we need rock bands with harmonizers that, with considerable electronic effort, are able to reverse the inevitable speed changes, at least to deceivable human ears. Only then are people able to return simultaneously and in real time from their breaking voices, and women can be men and men can be women again. . The time-axis reversal made possible by the phonograph allows ears to listen to the unheard-of: the steep transient phenomenon of instrumental sounds or spoken syllables moves to the end while the much slower fade-out time moves to the front. The Beatles are said to have used this trick on Revolution 9 to whisper the secret of their global success to the tape freaks among their fans: [35] that Paul McCartney had been dead for a long time, replaced on covers, stage and songs by a multi-media double. As the Columbia Phonograph Company recognized in 1890, the phonograph can be used as machine for composing music simply by allowing consumers to play their favourite songs backwards: "A musician could get one popular melody every day by experimenting in that way." [36] TAM as poetry, but one which transgresses its customary boundaries. The phonograph cannot deny its telegraphic origin. Technological media turn magic into a daily routine. Voices that start to migrate through frequency spectra and time axes do not simply continue old literary word game techniques such as palindromes or anagrams. This letter-bending had become possible only once the primary code, the alphabet itself, had taken effect. Time axis manipulation, however, affects the raw material of poetry where manipulation had hitherto been impossible. Hegel had called "the sound" "a disappearing of being in the act of being," subsequently celebrating it as a "saturated expression of the manifestation of inwardness." [37] That which was impossible to store could not be manipulated. Ridding itself of its materiality or clothes, it disappeared and presented inwardness as a seal of authenticity. But once storage and manipulation coincide in principle, Guyau's thesis linking phonography and memory may be insufficient. Storage facilities, which according to his own insight are capable of altering the character of the replayed sounds [thanks to time manipulation], shatter the very concept of memory. Reproduction is demoted once the past in all its sensuous detail is transmitted by technical devices. Certainly, HiFi means High Fidelity and is supposed to convince consumers that record companies remain loyal to musical deities. But it is a term of appeasement. More precise than the poetic imagination of around 1800, whose alphabetism or creativity confronted an exclusively reproductive memory, technology literally makes the unheard-of possible. An old Pink Floyd song spells it out:
When that old fat sun in the sky 's fallingThe literally unheard-of is the site where information technology and brain physiology coincide. To make no sound, to pick your feet up off the ground, and to listen to the sound of a voice when the night is falling, we all do it when we put on a record that commands such magic. And what transpires then is indeed a strange and unheard-of silver noise. Nobody knows who is singing, the voice called Gilmour which sings the song, the voice referred to by the song, or maybe the voice of the listener who makes no sound and is nonetheless supposed to sing once all the conditions of magic have been met. An unimaginable closeness of sound technology and self-awareness, simulacrum of a feedback relaying sender and receiver. A song sings to a listening ear telling it to sing. As if the music were originating in the brain itself, rather than emanating from stereo speakers or head phones. That is the whole difference between arts and media. Songs, arias and operas do not rely on neurophysiology. Voices hardly implode in our ears, not even under the technical conditions of a concert hall when singers are visible and therefore discernible. Their voices are trained to overcome distances and spaces. "Sound of music in my ear" can exist only once mouthpieces and microphones are capable of recording any whisper. As if there were no distance between recorded voice and listening ears, as if voices traveled along the transmitting bones of acoustic self-perception directly from the mouth into the ear's labyrinth, hallucinations become real. And even the distant bells the song listens to are not merely signifiers or referents of some speech. Literature had been able to provide that. Countless verses used words to conjure up acoustic events as lyrical as they were indescribable. Rock lyrics can add the bells themselves in order to fill attentive brains with something that, as long as it had been confined to words, had remained a mere promise. In 1898, the Columbia Phonograph Company Orchestra offered the song Down on the Swanee River as one of its 80 cylinders. Advertisements promised Negro songs and dances as well as the song's location and subject: pulling in the gang plank, the sounds of the steam engine and, eighty years before Pink Floyd, the chiming of a steamboat bell [39] , all for 50 cents. Songs become part of their acoustic environment. And poetry fulfills what psychoanalysis, originating not coincidentally at the same time, saw as the essence of desire: hallucinatory wish fulfilment. Freud's Project for a Scientific Psychology of 1895 saw "[the state of] being hallucinated in a backward flow of Q to N and also to T". [40] In other words: impermeable brain neurons occupied by memory traces rid themselves of their charge or quantity by transferring them onto permeable neurons designed for sensory perception. As a result, data already stored appears as fresh input and the psychic apparatus becomes its own simulacrum. Backflow or feedback come as close to perfect hallucinatory wish fulfilment as does Freud's Project for a Scientific Psychology to technological media. "The intention is to furnish a psychology that shall be a natural science: that is, to represent psychical processes as quantitatively determinate states of specifiable material particles, thus making those processes perspicuous and free from contradiction." [41] That is psychophysics at its best. All of Freud's elaborations on neurons and their cathexes and on facilitations and their resistance are based on the "views on localization held by [the] cerebral anatomy" [42] of his time. That the psychic apparatus [already technified by its name] can transmit and store data, while remaining both permeable and impermeable, would remain an insoluble paradox were its analogy modelled upon writing. [At best, Freud's famous "Wondrous Writing-Pad," commented upon by Derrida, [43] might be able to carry out both functions.] Following Broca and Wernicke's subdivision of discourse into numerous subroutines, a brain physiology which locates speaking, hearing, writing and reading in various parts of the brain [because it exclusively focuses on the states of specifiable material particles] had to model itself on the phonograph, an insight anticipated by Guyau. It comes as no surprise, then, that Sigmund Exner, whose research formed the basis for Freud's notion of facilitation in the Project, also "provided the basis for the construction of a scientific phonographic museum" at the University of Vienna. [44] "When it comes to molecules and cranial pathways, we",that is, the brain researchers and art physiologists of the turn of the century, "automatically think of a process similar to that of Edison's phonograph." [45] These are the words of Georg Hirth, author of the first German treatise on art physiology. Twenty years later, they are written into art itself. In 1919, Rilke completes a prose "essay" which, using the modest means of bricolage or literature, translates all the discoveries of brain physiology into modern poetry.
PRIMAL SOUNDRilke dedicated the most impassionate of reports to phonography. Regardless of the fact that he wrote it on Assumption Day, "he was a poet and hated the approximate." [46] Therefore the strange precision with which his text enumerates all the parts of an apparatus which Rilke's physics teacher, not coincidentally employed at an imperial military school, constructed around 1890. As if to confirm the fictional Edison of Tomorrow's Eve, who had no supply problems whatsoever when designing the phonograph, a combination of cardboard, paper, the bristles of a clothes brush and candle wax suffice to open a "new and infinitely delicate point in the texture of reality." Oblivious of the knowledge of the physics teacher and the school drill, students hear their own voice. Not their words and answers as programmed feedback by the education system, but the real voice against a backdrop of pure silence or attention. And yet the "unforgettable" [in the word's double meaning] phonographic sound recording is not at the centre of Rilke's profane illumination. In the founding age of media, the author is captivated more by the technological revolutions of reading than of writing. The "markings traced on the cylinder" are physiological traces whose strangeness transcends all human voices. Certainly, the writer is no brain physiologist. His amateur status at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts enables him to become acquainted with the vicissitudes of the skeletal structure, but not with the facilitations on which Exner or Freud based their new sciences. But when it comes to mounted and exhibited skeletons, Rilke is fascinated by that "utmost achievement" known as the skull, because "it was as if it had been persuaded to make just in this part a special effort to render a decisive service by providing a most solid protection for the most daring feature of all." During his Parisian nights, Rilkes reduces the skull sitting in front of him to a cerebral container. Describing it as "this particular structure" with a "boundless field of activity," he merely repeats the physiological insight that, for our central nervous system, "our own body is the outside world." [47] Nobody less than Flechsig, Schreber's famous psychiatrist, had proven that the cerebral cortex contains a "sphere of physical perception" which neurologically reproduces all parts of the body, distorted according to their importance. [48] Rilke's belief in later years that it was the task of poetry to transfer all given data into an "inner world space" is based on such insights. [Even though literary scholars, still believing in the omnipotence of philosophers, choose to relate Rilke's inner world space to Husserl. [49] ] Primal Sound leaves no doubt whatsoever which developments of the time are of main importance to literature in 1900. Instead of lapsing into the usual melancholic associations of Shakespeare's Hamlet or Keller's Green Henry, the sight of a human skull in candle light induces phonographic grooves in the writer's mind. A trace or path or groove appears where the frontal and parietal bones of the "suckling infant" [50] , to use Rilke's anatomically correct term, have grown together. As if the facilitations of Freud and Exner had been projected out of the brain onto its enclosure, the naked eye is now able to read the coronal suture as a writing of the real. A technologically up-to-date author follows in the wake of brain physiologists, who since the days of Guyau and Hirth automatically think of Edison's phonograph when dealing with nerve pathways. Moreover, he draws conclusions more radical than all scientific boldness. Before Rilke nobody had ever suggested to decode a trace which nobody had encoded and which encoded nothing. [INSERT side illustration p. 71 with caption: Coronal suture from stp to stp] Ever since the invention of the phonograph, there is writing without a subject. It is no longer necessary to assign an author to every trace, not even God. The Project for a Scientific Psychology centred on facilitations inscribed by acts of perception, but there is no reason not to set the gramophone needle to random anatomic features. A transgression in the literal sense of the word which shakes the very words used to phrase it. Acoustics arises from physiology, technology from nature. In Rilke's time, skulls were measured in search of all possible features: intelligence and idiocy, masculinity and femininity, genius and racial characteristics. But their media transposition into the acoustic remained a challenge which forced dots and question marks onto the hand that wrote it. What the coronal suture yields upon replay is a primal sound without a name, a music without notation, a sound even more strange than any incantation of the dead for which the skull could have been used. Deprived of its shellac, the duped needle produces sounds which "are not the result of a graphic transposition of a note" but an absolute transfer, that is, a metaphor. Thus a writer celebrates the very opposite of his own medium, the white noise no writing can store. Because their data travel along physical channels, technological media operate against a background of noise which determines the signal-noise-ratio, as does blurring in the case of film or the sound of the needle in the case of the gramophone. That is [according to Arnheim] the price they pay for delivering reproductions which are at the same time effects of the reproduced. Noise is emitted by the channels media have to cross. In 1924, five years after Rilke's Primal Sound, Rudolph Lothar writes his Technical-aesthetic essay on The Talking Machine. Based on the not very informed premise that "philosophers and psychologists have hitherto written about the arts" and "neglected" phonography, [50] Lothar draws up a new aesthetic. Its key propositions centre exclusively on the relationship between noise and signals. The talking machine occupies a special position in aesthetics and music. It demands a twofold capacity for illusion, an illusion working in two directions. On the one hand it demands that we ignore and overlook its mechanical features. As we know, every record comes with interference. As connoisseurs we are not allowed to hear this interference; just as in a theatre we are obliged to ignore both the line that sets off the stage and the frame surrounding the scene. We have to forget we are witnessing actors in costumes and make-up who are not really experiencing what they are performing. They are merely playing parts. We, however, pretend to take their appearance for reality. Only if we forget that we are inside a theatre can we really enjoy dramatic art. This "as if" is generated by our capacity for illusion. Only when we forget that the voice of the singer is coming from a wooden box, when we no longer hear any interference, when we can suspend it the way we are able to suspend a stage, only then will the talking machine come into its artistic own. But on the other hand, the machine demands that we give bodies to the sounds emanating from it. For example, while playing an aria sung by a famous singer we see the stage he stands on, we see him dressed in an appropriate costume. The more it is linked to our memories, the stronger the record's effect will be. Nothing excites memory more strongly than the human voice, maybe because nothing is forgotten as quickly as a voice. Our memory of it, however, does not die, its timbre and character sink into our subconscious where they await their revival. What has been said about the voice naturally also applies to instruments. We see Nikisch conduct the C-minor symphony, we see Kreisler with the violin at his chin, we see trumpets flashing in the sun when listening to military marches. But the capacity for illusion which enables us to ignore boxes and interference and furnishes tones with a visible background requires musical sensitivity. This is the most important point of phonographic aesthetics: the talking machine can only grant artistic satisfaction to musical people. For only musicians possess the capacity for illusion necessary for every enjoyment of art. [52] Maybe Rilke, who loved the gong with its resounding mixture of frequencies above all other instruments, was no musical person. [53] His aesthetic, Primal Sound is Rilke's only text about art and the beautiful in general, subverts the two illusions to which Lothar wants to commit readers or gramophone listeners. From the fact that "every record comes with interferences" he draws opposite conclusions. Replaying the skull's coronary suture yields nothing but noise. And there is no need to add some hallucinated body when listening to signs which are not the result of the graphic translation of a note, but rather random anatomical lines. Bodies themselves generate noise. And the impossible real transpires. Of course, the entertainment industry is all on Lothar's side. But there have been and there still are experiments which pursue Rilke's primal sound with technologically more sophisticated means. In the wake of Mondrian and the Bruitists, who wanted to introduce noise into literature and music, Moholy-Nagy already suggested in 1923 "to turn the gramophone from an instrument of reproduction into a productive one, generating acoustic phenomena without any previous acoustic existence by scratching the necessary marks onto the record." [54] An obvious analogy to Rilke's suggestion to elicit sounds from the skull that were not the result of a prior graphic transformation. A triumph for the concept of frequency, unlike the "narrowness" of a"scale" that is "possibly a thousand years old" and which we therefore no longer have to adhere to, [55] Moholy-Nagy's etchings allow for the unlimited transposition from medium to medium. Any graphism, including those, not coincidentally, dominating Mondrian's paintings, results in a sound. Which is why the experimenter asks for the "study of graphic signs of the most diverse [simultaneous and isolated] acoustic phenomena", and the "use of projection machines" or "film." [56] Engineers and the avantgarde think alike. At the same time as Moholy-Nagy's etching, the first plans were made for sound film, one of the first industrially connected media systems. "The invention of Messrs. Vogt, Dr. Engel and Masolle, the speaking Tri-Ergon-film," is based on a "highly complicated process" of medial transformations which could only be financed with the help of million-dollar investments from the C. Lorenz AG. [57] The inventors say of it: "Acoustic waves emanating from the scene are converted into electricity, electricity is turned into light, light into the silver colouring of the positive and negative, the coloring of the film back into light, which is then converted back into electricity before, the seventh and final transformation turns electricity into the mechanical operation of a weak membrane giving off sounds ." [58] [NSERT illustration p. 75 with caption: gramophone record [Photo: Moholy Nagy]] Frequencies remain frequencies regardless of their respective carrier medium. The symbolic correlation of sound intervals and planetary orbits, which since Scipio's Dream made up the harmony of the spheres, is replaced by correspondences in the real. In order to synchronize, store and reproduce acoustic events and image sequences, sound films can let them wander seven times from one carrier to the next. In his own words, Moholy-Nagy's record etchings are capable of generating a "new mechanical harmony": "The individual graphic signs are examined and their proportions are formulated as a law. [Here we may point out a consideration which is at present still utopian: based on strict proportional laws graphic signs can be transposed into music.]" [59] [INSERT illustration p. 76 with caption: Fourier synthesis of a rectangular wave] This idea had lost its utopian character long before it was written down. Fourier's solution of all continuous functions [including musical notes] into sums of pure sine harmonics was achieved before Helmholtz and Edison. Walsh's equally mathematical proof that square-wave vibrations may also serve as summands of the Fourier analysis was roughly contemporaneous with Moholy-Nagy. As a result, in 1964 Robert A. Moog with his electronic talents and the "American vice of modular repetition" [60] was able to equip all the sound studios and rock bands of this world with synthesizers. A subtractive sound analysis, that is, one controlled by frequency filters, transfers the proportional relationships of graphic depictions [rectangles, saw tooth curves, triangles, trapezoids and maybe even sine curves] into the music envisioned by Mondrian and Moholy-Nagy. [61] [ILLUSTRATION ND TEXT p. 77:] Block schematic of an analog vocoder. The synthesis component is in the lower signal path, the analysis component in the upper signal path. The latter's low- and high-pass filters limit the input, e.g. of "speech", while its band-pass filters break down the audible range into several component frequency channels. Following their coordination as envelope curves, the analysis output, using a switching matrix with arbitrarily chosen correspondences between the signal paths, controls the voltage-controlled amplifiers [VCAs], whose band-pass filters have also broken down the "input" or carrier into several component frequency channels. The sum signal at the exit [of the vocoder] appears as an instrumental sound encoded by a voice [vox]. Rilke's urgent demand to put under the needle and try out a "variety of lines, occurring anywhere", to "complete [it] in this way and then experience it, as it makes itself felt, thus transformed, in another field of sense": it is realized every night in the combination of amplifier and oscillographic display. But there is more to it. Between 1942 and 1945, while working for Bell laboratories and the British Secret Service, respectively, Shannon and Turing developed the vocoder, a wunderwaffe which was to make the transatlantic telephone conversations between Churchill and Roosevelt safe from interception by Canaris and the German Abwehr, [62] and which, like so many electronic achievements of the Second World War, is now indispensable to popular music. It lives up to its name: it encodes any given data stream A with the envelope curves of another sound sequence B, for example the voice of a singer, after a switching matrix has by way of free permutation changed the frequency of the envelope curves. In the case of Laurie Anderson's electronic violin, the third-octave band between 440 and 550 hertz follows in absolute synchronicity the volume which her voice happens to have in the third-octave band between 1760 and 2200 hertz, while a third third-octave band of her songs controls a fourth of her violin, and so on and so forth. Primal sounds do not correspond to anatomical features and sounds do not follow Mondrian's graphics; rather, the paradoxical result is that one and the same controls one and the same: one acoustics controls the other. In order to test his vocoder, by the way, Turing first played a record of Winston Churchill's belligerent voice, whose discreet or cut-up sampled values he then mixed with a noise generator using modular addition. Whereupon British officers heard the voice of their prime minister and commander-in-chief contaminate the speakers as just so much white noise [not to say, primal sound]. Appropriately, Turing's vocoder was named after Delila, who in the Book of Judges tricked another warrior, the Danaite Samson, out of the secret of his strength. Turing's skill as a tinkerer, however, revealed the secret of modern political discourse to be something far worse than weakness: "a perfectly even and uninformative hiss" [63] which offered no regularities and, therefore, nothing intelligible to the ears of British officers or those of German eavesdroppers. And yet, sent through the vocoder a second time, Churchill's original voice emerged from the receiving end. That is what has become of the "abysses" which, according to Rilke's ingenious formula, "divide the one order of sense experience from the other." In today's media networks algorithmically formalized data streams can traverse them all. Media facilitate all possible manipulations: acoustic signals control the optical signals of light consoles, electronic language controls the acoustic output of computer music, and in the case of the vocoder one set of acoustic signals controls another. Finally, New York disc jockeys turn the esoteric graphisms of Moholy-Nagy into the everyday experience of Scratch Music. But Rilke's astute diagnosis only applies to the founding age when the three ur-media phonograph, film, and typewriter first differentiated acoustics, optics and writing. Nevertheless, as if anticipating today's media systems, he searched "for a way by which to establish the connection so urgently needed between the different provinces now so strangely separated from one another." Which is why he fell back on "Arabic poems, which seem to owe their existence to the simultaneous and equal contributions from all five senses," and which let eyes trained in the art of calligraphy enjoy the very materiality of letters. This explains the, historically, extremely accurate criticism of literary epochs such as the Age of Goethe, in which "sight" alone seems to dominate authors and readers, because correct reading involves a hallucinatory process turning words into a real and visible world. This explains as well the proposition for an equally lyrical and scientific coronal suture phonography, which would increase the "contribution" of "inattentive hearing" from authors of the Age of Goethe. But before Rilke writes down his proposal on the Day of Assumption in the alpine solitude of the Bergell, he relates it to a woman. Synchronicity of the asynchronic: on the one hand a writer whose "extension" or combination of sensory media goes beyond "the work of research"; on the other a woman who mistakes coronal suture phonography for "love," and love, as involuntary evidence for "the sublime reality of the poem", with poems. Only as long as the unchallenged and unrivalled medium book was able to simulate the storage of all possible data streams did love remain literature and literature love; the ascension of female readers. But a writer whose school teaches physics instead of philosophy objects. The combination of sensory data streams achieved by love is devoid of "permanence." It can not stored by any medium. Moreover, it loses "all individual character". That is to say, no real can pass through the filter of love. Which is why love does "not serve" for the poet: "individual variety must be constantly present for him, he is compelled to use the sense sectors to their full extent," or, simply, to become a media technician among media technicians. Marinetti's Technical Manifesto of Futurist Literature of 1912 proclaimed that crowds of massed molecules and whirling electrons are more exciting than the smiles or tears of a woman [di una donna]. [64] In other words: literature defects from erotics to stochastics, from red lips to white noise. Marinetti's molecular swarms and whirling electrons are merely instances of that Brownian motion human eyes can only perceive in the shape of dancing sun particles, but which in the real are the noise on all channels. According to Rilke, the "abysses" dividing the orders of sense experience are "sufficiently wide and engulfing to sweep away from before us the greater part of the world, who knows how many worlds?" Which is why love is no longer sufficient for authors who, like himself, transcribe all the details of sensory perception into an inner world space known as brain or literature, and, subsequently, phonographically trace the facilitations of this unique container as primal sound itself. Phonography, notation, and a new eroticism, this is precisely the constellation described by Maurice Renard in a short story of 1907, ten years prior to Rilke's essay. What Rilke saw in the coronal suture, Renard's fictitious composer Nerval encounters in a roaring sea shell, which, like Rilke's skull, is a physiological supplement for Edison's apparatus. Thirty years later Paul Valéry used almost the same title to celebrate shells as architectural works of an artistic nature, [65] but Renard focuses on the central nervous system, on the labyrinth of shells, auricles, and sound. Since machines have taken over the functions the central nervous system, nobody can say whether the roaring comes from the blood or from the sirens, from the ears or from the sea goddess Amphitrite.
continues...
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